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Guest LesterBem

Guest LesterBem

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That insight is part of the value of having kids play with dolls that have disabilities, said Dr. Sian Jones, co-founder of the Toy Box Diversity Lab at Queen Margaret University in Edinburgh, Scotland.
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Jones and her colleague Dr. Clare Uytman study how playing with dolls and toys with a range of physical challenges can reduce systemic inequality for disabled people.
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It’s based on a theory of mirrors and windows by Rudine Sims Bishop, a professor emerita of education at Ohio State University. Bishop realized that having diverse characters in books was good for all kids: It helps children from minority groups see themselves mirrored in the lives of book characters, and it gives kids a window into the lives of others, helping them build empathy.

Jones says that when kids play with dolls that have mobility challenges, for example, it helps them identify and understand the struggles of people with disabilities whom they meet in real life.
“Barbie in a wheelchair cannot use the doll’s house in their kindergarten classroom, so they have to build a ramp in order for her to be able to access the door to their doll’s house, for example,” said Jones, who lives with cerebral palsy.

When she started her work incorporating disabled dolls into school curricula, Jones said, there were few available for purchase. She mostly had to make them herself. Now, she can buy them from big companies like Lego and Mattel, “which is wonderful.”
Mazreku says the work to design the doll was well worth it. She recently got to bring one home to give to her 3-year-old daughter.

“I brought Barbie home to her and gave her a chance to interact with her and see her things,” Mazreku said. “And she looked at me and she said, ‘She looks like Mommy.’ And that was so special for me.”

Her daughter doesn’t have type 1 diabetes, she said. “But she sees me every day, living with it, representing and understanding and showing the world and wearing my devices confidently, and for her to see Barbie doing that was really special.”
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Guest Danieldab

Guest Danieldab

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Guest Thomaszex

Guest Thomaszex

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He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.

But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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Guest Thomasfuevy

Guest Thomasfuevy

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He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.

But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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Guest Scotttag

Guest Scotttag

Posted
Posted
He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.

The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.

But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?

Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.

For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.

If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?

If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?

It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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